Last updated 2 weeks ago. Our resources are updated regularly but please keep in mind that links, programs, policies, and contact information do change.
- What the GAO Does
- The Comptroller General: A Position Designed for Independence
- How the Selection Process Works
- Gene Dodaro’s Tenure and Its Lessons
- The Impoundment Crisis
- The Improper Payments Problem
- Artificial Intelligence Governance
- Infrastructure Spending and Oversight Capacity
- What Makes This Search Different
- Why This Appointment Affects Everyday Americans
- The Stakes for the Next Fifteen Years
Gene Dodaro retired on December 29, 2025. Now Congress must select his replacement, and this hiring decision will shape how thoroughly Congress investigates waste, fraud, and mismanagement in federal programs for the next fifteen years.
The GAO is Congress’s investigative arm, the agency that audits federal spending, investigates whether programs work, and tells lawmakers when agencies are breaking the law or wasting taxpayer money. Congress must select Dodaro’s replacement through an unusual bipartisan process that keeps the job independent from any one president or party.
The search comes at a moment when the federal government faces massive pandemic and infrastructure spending requiring oversight, emerging technology governance challenges that barely existed five years ago, and direct conflict with the executive branch over whether the President can freeze congressionally appropriated funds.
The person selected will serve a single fifteen-year term and cannot be removed by the President.
They’ll testify before Congress, issue legal opinions that carry the force of precedent, and determine whether federal agencies are complying with appropriations law—even when those agencies answer to a President who might prefer different conclusions.
What the GAO Does
The Government Accountability Office occupies a distinct position in the federal architecture.
Most federal oversight comes from Inspectors General who work inside executive agencies—the Department of Defense has an IG, the Department of Health and Human Services has an IG, and so on. These IGs investigate their parent agencies and report problems, but they answer to the executive branch.
The GAO is different. It answers to Congress.
While the GAO can’t force agencies to comply with its recommendations, it can report directly to Congress when agencies ignore findings, dispute legal interpretations, or resist providing information for investigations.
Financial audits check if agencies are spending money wisely. Performance checks see if programs work as intended. Legal opinions interpret appropriations law and agency authority. Technology reviews figure out how government should use new tools safely and fairly. Investigations examine specific allegations of waste, fraud, or illegal activity.
GAO touches everything the federal government does. Recent investigations have examined pandemic spending integrity, infrastructure program implementation, cybersecurity vulnerabilities, artificial intelligence governance, Medicare and Medicaid improper payments, disaster assistance fragmentation, and climate spending effectiveness.
Medicare beneficiaries are affected by GAO work on improper payments and billing fraud. Veterans depend on services from agencies GAO audits. Low-income families relying on SNAP benefits are affected by GAO investigations of program integrity. Students using federal loans are affected by GAO audits of Department of Education programs. Federal employees are affected by GAO work on workplace policies and benefits administration.
A strong leader finds billions in waste that agencies then fix. One who approaches agency relationships with excessive deference allows problems to persist longer and reduces congressional capacity for oversight.
The Comptroller General: A Position Designed for Independence
The Comptroller General is one of Washington’s most important but least-known jobs.
The Comptroller General serves a fixed fifteen-year term and cannot be reappointed. This removes the incentive to seek renewal or accommodate sitting presidents or congressional majorities. Congress would have to vote to remove them, and they’d get a hearing first.
Someone confirmed during one administration might serve through three or four subsequent administrations of opposing parties without any threat of removal for political disagreement.
The Comptroller General’s power flows largely from what scholars call “the power of the pen”—the ability to publish findings that pressure agencies. The office cannot directly order federal agencies to comply with GAO recommendations or force implementation of findings.
Agencies can and do resist GAO recommendations, ignore findings, or dispute legal conclusions. But the Comptroller General can report directly to Congress about agency noncompliance, publicize findings through testimony and reports made available to media and the public, and engage directly with congressional committees that hold budget and oversight authority over resistant agencies.
Congressional committees rely on GAO for detailed investigation and analysis of complex policy questions that committee staff lack expertise or resources to undertake independently. When GAO publishes findings about waste, fraud, or program failures, congressional committees can hold hearings featuring GAO testimony, compelling agency officials to respond, and potentially advancing legislation to address identified problems.
How the Selection Process Works
Congress doesn’t select a Comptroller General the way most federal positions get filled. The process reflects a conscious design to insulate the office from ordinary partisan appointment politics.
When a vacancy occurs, Congress must create a commission with members from both parties and both chambers tasked with recommending at least three candidates to the President for consideration. The commission interviews candidates, evaluates their qualifications, and submits a list of at least three recommended individuals to the President.
During the interim period, the Deputy Comptroller General or another designated GAO employee acts as Comptroller General, ensuring continuity of operations though with somewhat reduced independent authority pending a permanent appointment.
Currently, the process has commenced with the establishment of the commission, which must now identify and vet potential candidates for recommendation to President Trump. Senator Rand Paul has stated that the search should yield “someone who’s honest” and argued against nominating someone “who’s been real active in political processes.”
Senator Gary Peters, the ranking Democrat on the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, has emphasized that the next Comptroller General must be “willing to call balls and strikes regardless of which party occupies the White House.”
Potential candidates typically possess substantial audit and accounting experience, management expertise gained through executive positions in federal agencies or private sector roles, experience working constructively with both Democratic and Republican administrations, and demonstrated commitment to nonpartisan professional standards.
Gene Dodaro’s Tenure and Its Lessons
Gene Dodaro’s leadership of the GAO from December 2010 through December 2025 spanned the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic and its massive emergency spending, the Trump administration’s first term, the Biden administration’s major legislative initiatives including the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act and the Inflation Reduction Act, and the return of Trump to the presidency.
Dodaro built strong relationships across both political parties, a feat that reflected his decades of service within GAO before assuming leadership—he joined the agency in 1973 and served in various management positions before becoming Deputy Comptroller General in 1999.
In his exit interview, Dodaro emphasized his commitment to building relationships between GAO and both Congress and federal agencies, noting that one of the most difficult aspects of the job was convincing policymakers to take preventive action before crises forced responses. The job needs both audit skills and the ability to persuade stubborn agencies, and to know when persuasion has failed and public confrontation becomes necessary.
Dodaro’s tenure also encompassed real limitations regarding GAO’s effectiveness. Even when GAO finds problems, agencies often drag their feet fixing them, and addressing systematic problems requires sustained political will to resolve.
Former Comptroller General David Walker, who led GAO from 1998 to 2008, has criticized the depth of reform achieved despite GAO’s productivity, arguing that many high-risk issues have remained on the high-risk list for decades and require more fundamental transformation than GAO’s recommendation process alone can catalyze.
The Impoundment Crisis
The transition occurring at the end of 2025 comes at a moment when the GAO faces a specific, immediate crisis. The Trump administration has undertaken aggressive efforts to freeze or cancel congressionally appropriated funds, particularly for foreign aid and domestic discretionary spending.
These actions trigger appropriations law questions squarely within GAO’s jurisdiction under the Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which Congress passed after President Nixon refused to spend money Congress had authorized. The President must notify Congress, and Congress has the power to block permanent cancellations. Temporary delays need a reason and have time limits.
The GAO has been investigating these impoundment actions, with only the Comptroller General having the legal right to sue over impoundments. Prior to the 2024 election, GAO was conducting 39 separate investigations into Trump administration impoundment actions.
The courts recently ruled that only the Comptroller General can sue over frozen funds under the Impoundment Control Act.
The Trump administration has explicitly challenged GAO’s authority regarding impoundments, suggesting that presidential power to freeze appropriated funds exceeds what the Impoundment Control Act contemplates.
Congressional Democrats have defended GAO independence and have expressed concern that the administration might pressure GAO to validate executive impoundment decisions.
The next Comptroller General will almost certainly confront direct conflict with the executive branch over appropriations law interpretation, requiring genuine independence and commitment to legal principles regardless of political consequences. This isn’t theoretical. It’s happening now, during the transition period, and whoever gets confirmed will inherit active investigations and potential litigation against the administration that nominated them.
The Improper Payments Problem
The next Comptroller General inherits a set of persistent accountability challenges that have resisted solution for decades. The most measurable is improper payments.
Some improper payments are fraud, some are honest mistakes, and some happen because agencies can’t verify who qualifies. GAO can identify the problem, quantify it, recommend specific improvements to payment integrity systems, and report annually on agencies’ progress. But GAO cannot force agencies to implement recommendations, cannot compel Congress to appropriate funds for improved verification systems, and cannot override the political calculations that sometimes favor expanding access to benefits over strengthening controls that might delay or deny payments to eligible recipients.
The next Comptroller General will need to decide how aggressively to push on improper payments, knowing that the issue has resisted solution under previous leadership and that recommendations for stronger controls often generate pushback from advocates concerned about creating barriers to access for eligible beneficiaries.
Artificial Intelligence Governance
Artificial intelligence governance has become an urgent federal priority, with numerous executive orders, congressional statutes, and agency guidance establishing AI requirements across government. Yet GAO found nearly 100 different AI rules across government, with multiple agencies in charge of the same things, creating potential for duplication, confusion, and inadequate oversight.
The next Comptroller General will need to develop GAO’s capacity to evaluate AI systems’ fairness, accuracy, and appropriateness for government use. How do you check if an AI system is fair when even the people who built it don’t fully understand how it works? How do you know if an AI system treats different groups fairly when unfairness only becomes obvious after thousands of decisions? How do you check if an agency’s AI use follows the law when the law was written before AI existed?
Federal agencies are already using AI to decide who gets benefits, detect fraud, screen for security risks, and more. The next Comptroller General’s decisions about how to approach AI oversight will determine whether GAO can provide Congress with meaningful accountability for these systems or whether AI governance becomes a black box that oversight cannot penetrate.
Cybersecurity threats to federal agencies have intensified, with GAO’s recent work finding persistent vulnerabilities in legacy systems and inadequate security investments at federal agencies. The next Comptroller General will have to choose: spend money learning to audit AI, or keep auditing traditional programs. These resource allocation decisions will determine which accountability questions GAO can adequately investigate and which oversight gaps will persist due to resource constraints.
Infrastructure Spending and Oversight Capacity
Federal spending has grown so much that GAO has more to audit than ever before. The COVID-19 pandemic created about $4 trillion in emergency spending that GAO needs to check on. The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act authorized roughly $1 trillion in spending. The Inflation Reduction Act committed hundreds of billions in climate and energy spending. The ongoing federal budget exceeds $6 trillion annually.
GAO was already investigating how well agencies were spending the infrastructure money Congress approved by mid-2024, finding that by the end of 2024, agencies had only committed to spending 47 percent of the infrastructure money Congress approved. GAO will spend a lot of time investigating whether the money is being spent properly and preventing fraud.
Infrastructure projects are hard to oversee because they take years, involve multiple contractors, cross state lines, and have many places where money can be wasted or stolen. A highway project funded through the Infrastructure Act might involve federal transportation grants to state departments of transportation, state procurement of construction contractors, local permitting and environmental review, and ongoing maintenance funded through different sources. Checking if the project was done right means following the money across multiple states and years.
The next Comptroller General will run an office trying to check on federal spending that’s too big for GAO to fully investigate. Even with smart ways to pick what to investigate, GAO can’t check everything, so the Comptroller General’s choices about which investigations to pursue will determine where oversight gaps remain.
What Makes This Search Different
This search for the next Comptroller General matters more than usual because partisan conflict around federal oversight has intensified. The Trump administration has explicitly challenged GAO’s authority regarding impoundments. Congressional Democrats have defended GAO independence and expressed concern that the administration might pressure GAO to validate executive decisions.
GAO and federal agencies are increasingly fighting with each other. The Trump administration’s impoundment actions have generated 39 separate GAO investigations, suggesting that agency compliance with GAO authority and information requests may not be guaranteed.
As the executive branch becomes less willing to cooperate with Congress’s oversight, the next Comptroller General may need to publicly stand up to the President and agencies that refuse to cooperate and may confront situations where agencies refuse to comply with GAO information requests or dispute GAO legal interpretations.
The next Comptroller General must be willing to fight the President to protect GAO’s independence. This means someone willing to publicly fight back when agencies resist, report problems to Congress, and sue the President if needed—even if it causes a political fight.
Previous Comptroller Generals have generally maintained low public profiles, allowing GAO’s work to speak for itself and avoiding the appearance that the office holder is advancing particular political agendas. The next Comptroller General will need to balance maintaining nonpartisan credibility while potentially confronting situations where neutrality requires public assertion of GAO’s independence and authority. Someone who stays too quiet might look like they’re not defending GAO against executive pressure. One who gets too involved in political fights might look like they’re taking sides. The right balance probably means speaking up when GAO is attacked, but staying quiet on issues where GAO gives advice.
Why This Appointment Affects Everyday Americans
Medicare beneficiaries are affected by GAO’s work on improper payments and payment integrity in the Medicare program, investigations that found billing fraud, weak fraud prevention, and ways to improve how the program runs. When GAO finds fraud in Medicare and agencies fix it, more Medicare money goes to patients instead of being stolen.
Veterans depend on benefits and services from agencies that GAO audits regarding program effectiveness and compliance with regulations. GAO checks how the VA runs programs and pays benefits, which directly affects the quality of care veterans get.
Low-income families relying on Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits are affected by GAO investigations of whether SNAP works well and prevents fraud. When GAO finds rules that keep eligible families from getting help, or fraud that steals money, its recommendations can fix both problems.
Parents and students relying on federal student loan programs or education funding are affected by GAO audits of Department of Education programs and investigations into program fraud and effectiveness. When GAO finds problems with how loans are handled, weak oversight of for-profit colleges, or failures in how student aid is processed, Congress can use those findings to compel improvements.
When disasters strike, GAO found that more than thirty federal agencies provide help without talking to each other, which slows down aid. This finding creates opportunity for Congress to restructure disaster relief to improve effectiveness and reduce duplication, potentially meaning faster assistance and better coordination when disasters strike.
Federal employees are affected by GAO work on hiring, pay, benefits, and workplace policies. GAO investigations of the Office of Personnel Management influence how federal agencies treat their workers.
Taxpayers broadly are affected by GAO’s duplication and waste identification work. When GAO finds overlapping programs and agencies consolidate them, it saves money and reduces the national debt.
Someone who aggressively investigates waste and fraud can save billions and improve program effectiveness. A weak Comptroller General lets Congress do its job of checking on government less effectively. Someone who stays independent from the President, even when it’s politically difficult, protects Congress’s power to control federal spending. A Comptroller General who helps the President instead of Congress shifts power away from Congress—which is exactly what GAO was created to prevent.
The Stakes for the Next Fifteen Years
This choice will shape federal government for fifteen years—determining how hard GAO pushes agencies, whether it stays independent from the President, and whether Congress can check executive power.
A strong Comptroller General will force agencies to follow the law, give Congress honest information, and keep GAO trusted as an independent fact-checker. A weak Comptroller General could undermine Congress’s ability to check the executive branch, especially now when the President is trying to control spending Congress approved. The bipartisan commission and legal rules provide some protection, but only if the commission picks someone truly independent instead of someone the President will like.
The next Comptroller General will decide whether Congress gets honest information to do its job, or whether problems go unchecked because of money, priorities, or pressure from the President.
For everyday Americans, what matters is whether the next Comptroller General will investigate federal spending and fraud—or pretend to.
The fifteen-year term, bipartisan selection, and legal protections all recognize that real government accountability requires someone the President can’t fire or control. Whether these protections work will depend on who gets selected and whether they’re willing to stand up to the President.
Most Americans will never know the name of the person selected as the next Comptroller General. They won’t follow the commission’s deliberations or the Senate confirmation process. They won’t read GAO reports or track whether agencies fix the problems GAO finds. But they will live with the consequences for fifteen years—in the quality of government services, whether fraud gets caught, and whether Congress checks if tax dollars are wasted.
The commission making this selection has more power than most of its members probably realize—they’re picking the person who will check the President for fifteen years. The person they recommend, and the President nominates, and the Senate confirms, will shape federal accountability for a generation.
Our articles make government information more accessible. Please consult a qualified professional for financial, legal, or health advice specific to your circumstances.